Tuesday, November 23, 2010

"I Sing the Body Electric," by Walt Whitman

-Brian Hanley

“I Sing the Body Electric,” is a poem written by Walt Whitman. The poem is a celebration of the human body. It breaks away from the Christian notion of dualism where the body and soul are separate and the body is the source of corruption for the mind. In his work Whitman celebrates the very essence of bodily flesh and declares its beauty. This poem is a response to those who doubt the body. In the second section of the poem Whitman claims that the human body, female and male, is perfect. He expresses his sensual desire for the human body in this section. “I loosen myself, pass freely, am at the mother’s breast with the little child, Swim with the swimmers, wrestle with the wrestlers, march in line with the firemen.” Whitman in his poem is able to find a link between the body politic and the erotic body; “the man’s body is sacred and the woman’s body is sacred,” which means all bodies, everyone, is sacred, even the “dull-faced immigrants [who] just landed on the wharf.” Everyone has a place in the great democratic scheme.
Whitman’s poem is a justification for his own bodily yearnings. In his poem his does not overcome his sexual appetites but he legitimatizes them. Whitman says the body is electric and filled with energies and desires and they are a current of emotion and humanity that make up the body of the soul and the soul of the body, making them one.
Walt Whitman is exclaiming the harmony and perfection of the oneness of body and soul. The ending or climax of the poem is a listing of the wonders of the body, moving from top to bottom, head to toe and then inside and how they work. At the end he says the body and soul are one, or the body is soul actually.

Walt Whitman: I Sing the Body Electric, 1855

Walt Whitman's "I Sing the Body Electric" from Leaves of Grass
Verses 7 & 8


7


A man's body at auction,


(For before the war I often go to the slave-mart and watch the sale,)


I help the auctioneer, the sloven does not half know his business. Gentlemen look on this wonder,


Whatever the bids of the bidders they cannot be high enough for it, For it the globe lay preparing quintillions of years without one


animal or plant, For it the revolving cycles truly and steadily roll'd.


In this head the all-baffling brain,


In it and below it the makings of heroes.


Examine these limbs, red, black, or white, they are cunning in


tendon and nerve, They shall be stript that you may see them.


Exquisite senses, life-lit eyes, pluck, volition,


Flakes of breast-muscle, pliant backbone and neck, flesh not


flabby, good-sized arms and legs, And wonders within there yet.


Within there runs blood,


The same old blood ! the same red-running blood! There swells and jets a heart, there all passions, desires, reachings, aspirations,


(Do you think they are not there because they are not express'd in parlors and lecture-rooms?)


This is not only one man, this the father of those who shall be


fathers in their turns, In him the start of populous states and rich republics, Of him countless immortal lives with countless embodiments and


enjoyments.


How do you know who shall come from the offspring of his offspring through the centuries?


(Who might you find you have come from yourself, if you could trace back through the centuries ?)


8


A woman's body at auction,


She too is not only herself, she is the teeming mother of mothers, She is the bearer of them that shall grow and be mates to the mothers.


Have you ever loved the body of a woman?


Have you ever loved the body of a man ?


Do you not see that these are exactly the same to all in all nations and times all over the earth ?


If any thing is sacred the human body is sacred, And the glory and sweet of a man is the token of manhood untainted,


And in man or woman a clean, strong, firm-fibred body, is more beautiful than the most beautiful face.


Have you seen the fool that corrupted his own live body? or the


fool that corrupted her own live body? For they do not conceal themselves, and cannot conceal themselves.


Thursday, November 18, 2010

Abolition Mail

Amos Kendall was an American journalist who wrote the most influential western papers such as Abolition Mail. In this piece he writes about how the fact that Anti-slavery publications are being rejected in the south. He also believed that the post master general has no right to "exclude from the mails any species of newspaper, magazines, or pamphlets." He also states that the newspapers produced in the south are pure propaganda and he encourages those papers to be stopped.
One interesting quote
When states become independent "they acquired a right to prohibit the circulation of papers within their territory; and their power over the subject of slavery and all its incidents, was in no degree diminished by the adoption of the federal constitution."

The Ripley Anti-Slavery Society


When we analyze the transcript of the Ripley Anti-Slavery society meetings, we see that this abolitionist group has many elements that make it a prime example of anti slavery groups from this time. We know that many of the anti slavery groups were supported by those who attended church, and used the Bible as a piece that condemns the act of slavery. We see the faithfulness reflected in how the meetings in this group begin with a prayer, and how they incorporate the bible into their anti slavery politics. What's also interesting about this piece is how we see foreshadowing for the years to come and the eventual secession of the southern states, despite the anti slavery group's attempts to avoid such an event.

What to the Slave Is the Fourth of July?

What to the Slave Is the Fourth of July?
Frederick Douglass

Frederick Douglass was a famous 19th century abolitionist writer who escaped from slavery and lived to speak about his experiences. In his piece, "What to the Slave Is the Fourth of July", Douglass is explaining that the Fourth of July was by no means a positive and productive day for the slaves. In his opinion, America was not free because if this was true, there would be no more slavery, prejudice, or discrimination against African Americans. The quote that I picked out was the last few words in the document stating "America reigns without a rival". Basically, this quote is saying that no matter who you compare America to, the practices of this nation are far worse. This quote is interesting to me because Fredrick Douglass is expressing his anger towards America.

Wednesday, November 17, 2010

The Case For Salvery


The Fallacy of the Bible Argument:
Christianity forbids Slavery

  • There is no rule of conscience or revealed law of God which can condemn us.
  • Society would stand guilty of a high offense in the sight of both god and man, if we rashly end slavery.
  • The Original sin of introduction of slavery does not rest on our heads. The world will not end, if slavery continues.
  • Yes, we admit that slavery is goes against the spirit of Christianity:

o But, there is nothing in the Old or New Testament that which would go to show that slavery, when once introduced, ought to all events to be abrogated, or that the master commits any offense in holding slaves.

o But, the children of Israel themselves were slave holders , and were nver condemned for it

  • Christ came to save a fallen world, and not to excite black passions of men and array them in deadly hostility against each other.
  • Christ was born in a world, in which the most galling slavery existed, 1000x more cruel than today. Yet, he no where encourages insurrection - he nowhere fosters discontent, - but exhorts always to implicit obedience and fidelity
The Fallacy of the Moral Argument:
moral effects of slavery are of the most deleterious and the hurtful kind
  • The Master is kind and indulgent to his slaves. (i.e. slave girl narrative)
  • He metes out to them, for faithful service, the reward of his cordial approbation
  • The relationships between the slave and his master is a good way to teach children how to treat others.
  • The slaveholders are characterized by noble and elevated sentiment, by humane and virtuous feelings. We cannot find ones that are: cold, contracted, and/or selfish.
  • The most cruel masters are those who are unaccustomed to slavery.
  • Northern gentlemen, who marry southern southern mistress, are much severer masters than southern gentlemen
  • Being a master and wielding authority, humanizes and softens the heart
  • Yes, there are cruel masters, but there are also cruel fathers. Both make people around them shudder with horror.
  • The relationship of master & slave is more close than any other.
  • The slaves of a good master, are his warmest, most constant and most devoted friends; they have been accustomed to look up to him as their supporter, director, and defender
  • A slave rejoices rejoices in the elevation and prosperity of his master
  • Judge Smith, in an emergency he would rely upon his own slaves for his defense - he put arms into their hands, and he had no doubt they would defend him faithfully
  • In the Southampton insurrection, many masters armed their slaves to quell the insurrection
  • A slave is happy where he/she is, the idea of liberty would just dry up the very sources of his happiness
The Fallacy of the Anti-Republican Argument:
slavery is unfavorable to the republican spirit
  • The ancient republics of Greece and Rome, where spirit of liberty glowed with most intensity, the slaves were numerous than freemen
  • Liberty has always been more ardently desired by slave holding communities
  • The man to the north will not shake hands familiar with his servant, and converse, and laugh, and dine with him. But go to the south, and you will find that no white man feels such inferiority of rank as to be unworthy of association with those around him.
The Fallacy of a Revolt:
insecurity of the whites, arising from plots, insurrections, among blacks
  • This evil has been most strangely and causelessly exaggerated
  • The slave loves his mater and his family
  • Blacks are as much civilized as they are in the United States
  • If the salve revolts, the slave risks his education, happiness, and life
  • If slaves do revolt, the revolt would be unorganized and easy to quell. (i.e Nat Turner's Rebellion)

Tuesday, November 16, 2010

South Carolina Resolutions on Abolitionist Propaganda

During the 1830’s abolitionists strived to influence all Americans into ending slavery. A large part of their influence was gained through propaganda, which was visible throughout the country. The South Carolina Resolutions on Abolitionist Propaganda was written December 16, 1835 and it lists the various acts and resolutions established in the state of South Carolina to eliminate the abolitionist’s propaganda. “…most of the states south of Virginia provided severe penalties for printing or speaking anything that might incite insurrection among the slaves, or even for arguing against the institution of slavery.” (280)

The first resolution states that any formation of abolition societies, and acts and doings by abolitionists are “in direct violation of the obligations of the compact of the union”.

The second resolution asserts that a country with true concern for its peace and security will not accept abolition societies without either protesting, surrendering or compromising its rights.

The third resolution requests that the Legislature of South Caroline will suppress all abolition associations and neighboring abolitionist states by penalizing them when propaganda is printed, published, or distributed to newspapers, in order to “excite the slaves of the southern states to insurrection and revolt.”

The fourth resolution emphasizes that each southern state has exclusive control over domestic slavery, and thus no state should interfere by creating propaganda.

The fifth resolution reasserts that “non-slaveholding states are requested to disclaim by legislative declaration, to interfere in any manner with domestic slavery, either in the states, or in territories where it exists.”

The sixth resolution solicits abolition of slavery in the District of Colombia as “a violation of the rights of the citizens in that District”. This resolution invites the citizens of South Caroline to be careful with its government leaders in order for their rights to not be violated.

The last resolution affirms that the legislature of South Carolina has increased its measures of security in the Post Office Department of the United States in order to prevent the United States mail to become a “vehicle for the transmission of the mischievous documents [propaganda]” If this resolution is not fulfilled, Chief Magistrate of the state affirms measures will be taken to “prevent [propaganda] traversing the territory”

Monday, November 15, 2010

The Liberator



William Lloyd Garrison published The Liberator at the age of twenty six and wrote a cover page on the first edition of the paper to state its purpose. He speaks with determination and resilience. The author portrays his energy and the efforts he is going to put forth to end slavery. Garrison also cited the Declaration of Independence and the hypocrisy of its equality of all people.

Thursday, November 4, 2010

"The Spirit of Discontent"


The Lowell Offering was a magazine established by working women in textile mills in Lowell, Massachusetts during the Industrial Revolution. This piece defends the way of life of factory workers and in several ways also defends the growing industrialization of Northern society.

Ellen Collins are her co-worker/friends are having a debate over factory life. Ellen argues that the environment and hours of the factory are unjust. She states "I am going home, where I shall not be obliged to rise so early in the morning, nor be dragged about by the ringing of a bell, nor confined in a close noisy room from morning till night. I will not stay here; I am determined to go home in a fortnight. . . .” . Another argument she brings up "“As to the morality of the place,” returned Ellen, “I have no fault to find. I object to the constant hurry of every thing. We cannot have time to eat, drink, or sleep; we have only thirty minutes, or at most three quarters of an hour, allowed us to go from our work, partake of our food, and return to the noisy clatter of machinery. Up before day, at the clang of the bell—and out of the mill by the clang of the bell—into the mill, and at work, in obedience to that ding-dung of a bell—just as though we were so many living machines. I will give my notice tomorrow: go, I will—I won’t stay here and be a white slave.” Therefore, Collins is discontent with the factory life.

On the contrary, her friends agrees with the factory life. she states "We are very busily engaged during the day; but then we have the evening to ourselves, with no one to dictate to or control us. I have frequently heard you say, that you would not be confined to household duties, and that you disliked the millinery business altogether, because you could not have your evenings, for leisure. You know that in Lowell we have schools, lectures, and meetings of every description, for moral and intellectual improvement.”



Whitman's Ode to the Working Class



"(Because you are greasy or pimpled, or were once drunk, or a thief, Or that you are diseas'd, or rheumatic, or a prostitute, Or from frivolity or impotence, or that you are no scholar and never saw your name in print, Do you give in that you are any less immortal?)"



While not done so intentionally, the piece "A Song for Occupations" by Walt Whitman can be seen in some respects as a counter-point to the cynicism and disdain for the Industrial Revolution, as felt by those like William Blake. Blake condemned the changes in society, whereas, Whitman embraced them to an extent, in his glorification of the role of the working man in this new world. Whitman was renown for the radical nature of his writings, in the subject matter involved and his view of the world. The poem was addressed to the laborers in the various fields of physical labor that had just been created, and stressed the importance of these people to the extent that he claims they are in fact just as important as the many elites of America, including the President himself. This also shows why Whitman is a Romantic writer, in his disregard for the conventions of Aristocracy and by extension his regard for the class systems.